by Frédéric Lordon. Paperback; Ebook; Hardback. Paperback. Paperback with free ebook. $$% off. pages / June / Thomas Piketty’s thousand-page economics bestseller reduces capital to mere wealth — leaving out its political impact on social and economic (). Willing Slaves Of Capital: Spinoza And Marx On Desire [Frederic Lordon] on *FREE* shipping on qualifying offers. Why do people work for other .
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Ironically, it is when he turns historian, and suddenly switches to frwderic ultra-long-term view, that he most clearly demonstrates his ignorance of the historical realities.
Abhijeet Paul reviews Frédéric Lordon’s Willing Slaves of Capital – Critical Inquiry
Capital should offer compensation to the unemployed and to casual workers, compensation for falls in income, for the flexibilisation and casualisation of employment, and the disruption to daily life: The lordoj step was to free up the national savings and fredeeic funds for wide-ranging investment, creating vast new liquid markets in which the state itself could borrow; French funds were deregulated by the Fabius government in —86, not least to compete against the encroachment of big Anglo-Saxon players.
In his desire for generalised peace — between capital and labour, the peace of the In the late s, tousled casual was no longer fashionable, people wanted seriousness: Unfortunately, it does matter: This page was last edited on 13 Decemberat Lordn readers believed the media.
And it is the inseparably linked, changing economic and political factors that continually steer capitalism in new directions. The concept therefore represents the introduction of the principle of democracy into economic life. They must be reminded of the true sense of the whole expression — that capital destroys as much as it creates, and always builds on its own ruins.
Why Piketty isn’t Marx
But are we destined to remain enslaved lorddon neoliberal master-desires without any hope of liberation? For there is no such point: Edited by Daniel LevyMax Penskyet al.
The Making of Bourgeois Europe. Nothing in his career has prepared him for it: Views Read Edit View history.
Why Piketty isn’t Marx, by Frédéric Lordon (Le Monde diplomatique – English edition, May )
Reviewed by Abhijeet Paul. What are the origins of this project, and what have been its results to date? Those divisions are all the greater because of the particular structures of contemporary capitalism, established by the persistent efforts of a class aware of itself and its interests; but this is something those who claim to be serious will not mention, even when they claim they are discussing the theory of capital. Such political questions never surface; the book never mentions any real conflict.
He is aware that a well-known author has written a book about it before him. For the French elites, acceptance involved perpetual atonement for the original sin of state intervention, ideologically constituted in Anglo-Saxon eyes as their collective second nature. Willing Slaves of Capital is a bold proposal to rethink capitalism and its transcendence on the basis of the contemporary experience of work.
It is clear that if the left as defined above is to contest the domain of capital, then we need a high level of political activity, debates, meetings and demonstrations, which, fgederic the need for a common language, would be hard to achieve except within the borders of a single country.
Don’t have an account? This definition of left is a fairly broad fgederic, since it does not make any prior assumptions as to how to deal with capitalism itself and invites a debate on its overthrow. The media, controlled by their shareholders, did not misjudge Piketty.
Frédéric Lordon: What’s left for the left?
In these essays, against liberal theories of atomized subjects of choice, Lordon develops his proposal for a structuralism of the passions. To complement Marx’s partial answers, especially in the face of the disconcerting spectacle of the engaged, enthusiastic employee, Lordon brings to bear a “Spinozist anthropology” that reveals the fundamental role of affects and passions in the employment relationship, reconceptualizing capitalist exploitation as the capture and remoulding of desire.
There is no account of the treacherous treaties that have removed all room for manoeuvre in national economic policy. These conditions would be nothing out of the ordinary. It is surprising how many people, including some who should have known better, were taken in.
The future belongs to it.
Giving up on trying to change structures means taking palliative measures. The conclusion to be drawn from this analysis is not that we should have been content simply to save the banks. Lordon persuasively and elegantly shows that the only way to break free is to hold onto a fredderic and exceptionless determinism: Paying for the damage If capital wishes to play games, it must pay for the damage it causes.
Piketty tells us he is going to ,ordon capital. It was not the rescue itself that was scandalous; it was the fact that they were saved without anything being asked of them in return, that they loddon implicitly given carte blanche to go straight back to their old tricks. Why do workers work for capital rather than their own liberation? The usefulness of social sciences is never so clear as when they contribute to the political debate with solidly established facts.
Politics in a Time of Crisis.